Remarks Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu After Their Meeting

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Treaty Room

Washington, DC

February 13, 2012

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, good afternoon, everyone. And let me say what a great delight it is for me to welcome my friend and colleague for intensive negotiations and discussions over a range of issues that are of importance to both of us. I am always pleased to have time to meet with Minister Davutoglu because of what the United States and Turkey are working on together, the values that we share, and the commitment to a peaceful, prosperous future, not only for the Turkish and American people but for people everywhere.

I want to say a word about the bombing of an Israeli diplomatic vehicle in India, the attempted attack on Israeli Embassy personnel in Georgia. Terrorism anywhere is an affront to the international community. There are many kinds of attacks that take place around the world. We condemn all forms of terrorism and we stand ready to assist in investigations of these acts and others because of the importance we place on having a strong international front against terrorism.

I think it’s important also to look at the Turkish-American relationship, not only bilaterally but what it means regionally and globally. We stand shoulder to shoulder in so many different ways: as NATO allies in transatlantic defense and stability; as partners united against terrorism from the PKK to al-Qaida; as economic partners working for mutual prosperity through trade and investment and so much more. In the past year, we have spent a lot of time consulting because of the challenges of a fast-changing Middle East and North Africa, from Libya’s transition, to the efforts to strengthen inclusive governance in Iraq, to certainly the situation in Syria.

Syria was at the top of our list of important matters to discuss today. It is deplorable that the regime has escalated violence in cities across the country, including using artillery and tank fire against innocent civilians. We stand with the Syrian people and we are looking for a peaceful resolution. The United States and Turkey have again called on the regime to heed the Arab League’s latest efforts, as well at the international community, to end the killing immediately, withdraw military forces from residential areas, allow in monitors and journalists, release political prisoners, and begin a genuine, sincere, democratic transition that starts with a respectful serious dialogue with the opposition.

The United States strongly supports the efforts of the Arab League as set forth at the conclusion of their meeting in Cairo. And we look forward to joining the Arab League initiative for the Friends of Syria group, which will have its first meeting in Tunisia next week. Certainly, Minister Davutoglu and myself will play a very active role in trying to search for solutions. We will intensify our diplomatic pressure on the regime to end its campaign of violence. We will strengthen our targeted sanctions, bring the international community together in condemnation of the actions of the Assad regime. We will increase our outreach to opposition both inside and outside of Syria.

And particularly we will work closely with Turkey and other partners to address the growing humanitarian concerns of those who are suffering. We have heard the call of the Syrian people for help and we are committed to working to allow the entry of medical supplies, of emergency help to reach those who are wounded and dying. We are increasing our funding to organizations like the Red Crescent, the International Committee for the Red Cross, and we’re working directly with Syrian organizations at the grassroots to help families who have no electricity, food, or clean water.

And because of the process leading toward Tunisia, we will work closely with Turkey and others to promote a political process. This is essential, and the Syrian people deserve no less than a democratic future free of government oppression, terrorism, and violent extremism. Turkey, of course, is one of the leaders and has much at stake being a neighbor and a nation of conscience that understands the suffering of the Syrian people and serves as an example of an alternative to the brutal Assad regime.

We talked about so much else. We talked about Iran, where we continue to pursue a dual track that both applies sanctions to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons but also makes it clear that we are ready to sit down and discuss in a purposeful way, through diplomatic engagement, the nuclear program. I have said many times from this podium and elsewhere we recognize Iran’s right to peaceful nuclear energy, but Iran also has international responsibilities that we expect it to live up to.

We also have discussed the very strong support that Turkey is providing for the new democracies. We discussed the full range of issues on a bilateral basis that we are continuing to make a priority between us. Turkey’s successful democracy is a real example. We are continually interested in the very important work being done by the Government of Turkey on religious freedom, the return of religious property, and of course, I expressed our interest in the Halki Seminary.

I think it’s important for us to be focused on what we can do to help the emerging democracies such as Tunisia, such as Egypt, such as Libya and others, and also to stay focused on the great needs of Syria. We’ve been able to speak for hours on these issues, as we always do when we meet, because we meet not only as colleagues but as friends. And I look forward to many more constructive conversations.

FOREIGN MINISTER DAVUTOGLU: Thank you very much, Madam. It was great honor for me to be in Washington again. After Secretary Clinton’s recent visit to Istanbul in July, we agreed to meet at least twice a year in both capitals, but meanwhile we had several opportunities to meet at the margin of several international conferences. Sometimes every week we are meeting because there is a huge agenda, common agenda, in front of us, common challenges, opportunities, in our surrounding regions as well as in global scene.

Today Turkish-American relation is really a relationship of model partnership, as it has been described by President Obama. And we want to have this relation not only a security relation but also an economic relation and an economic model partnership, having huge common projects in investment and trade.

On – in NATO we are – we have several issues to be shared with the new Strategic Concept in NATO, and the approaching Chicago summit will be very important, and we’ve shared our common approach in NATO.

But of course, the main agenda was regional issues, as Secretary Clinton mentioned, and we have been talking very closely. Last week we were in Munich, in fact, together, and we went through all these files, because there is a historic turning point and transformation in the Middle East. And Turkey is in such a geography, now in the western part of Turkey there is an economic crisis, in the southern part of Turkey there is a huge political crisis. Turkey is an island of stability, economic growth, and prosperity, and we have special relations with United States and we want to have a positive contribution in resolving all these crises around us.

Now the hot issue is Syria. We discussed in details, because after the peaceful and sometimes challenging but at the end of the day successful transformations in Tunisia, in Egypt, in Morocco, Libya in North Africa, elections were held. I think it is the right of other people, like Syrian people, to have the same, the same rights, the same values, to be implemented in their countries. We support the transformations – political transformations in North Africa. We discussed in detail how to help Tunisian, Egyptian, Libyan cases, where we work together shoulder to shoulder with the regional partners as well as global partners to make this a success, because the values of these people demanded were our values: rule of law, freedom, democracy, transparency, accountability. These are the values we are defending everywhere, in Turkey and outside.

Now Syrian people demand the same thing, not more. And it is the right of the Syrian people to have a new democratic political culture and atmosphere to get benefit out of this historic transformation. That was their demand. Last year there was no violence and Syrian people demanded these. But unfortunately, Syrian regime acted violently against these demonstrations, against these peaceful demonstrations, and today we have a real humanitarian tragedy in front of us.

As Turkey, we had a three-stage strategy in this crisis. First, bilateral engagement. From January until August last year, we did everything bilateral-wise to convince Syrian regime to accept the demands of the people. When it didn’t produce results, we worked at the second stage with Arab League as a regional initiative. And Arab League we appreciate. We admire all the efforts of Arab League. And here again I want to underline we support all the decisions of Arab League. Yesterday, I spoke with secretary general of Arab League, with presidents of Arab League, Qatari Prime Minister Hamad bin Jasim and Tunisian minister of foreign affairs, and we declared our support.

But despite of all these good intention and support of the Arab League, the UN Security Council, as you know, was not able to endorse the Arab League plan because of the vetoes. When there was such a deadlock in UN, of course, as international community, as regional partners, we could not wait and see, and every day artillery shelling is continuing and there’s a huge oppression in Homs, in many cities of Syria.

Therefore my visit to – although it was not planned for this purpose, it was a much more wide-range consultation, but it was very timely. We went through the situation in Syria. First, we agreed that there should be new humanitarian initiative to reach out to people who are suffering because of the shortage of food, medicine, everywhere in Syria. And therefore, I spoke with Secretary General of United Nations yesterday, and we started, as Turkey, an initiative in Human Rights Council in Geneva in United Nations, how to make this humanitarian access possible.

Secondly, of course the political dimension. We will be together in Tunisia, and the meeting in Tunisia will be an important international platform to show solidarity with the Syrian people, and to send a strong and clear message to the Syrian regime, that they cannot continue these violent policies. Of course, we will follow closely with the United States and other partners what – how things will evolve, but we will continue to defend Syrian people in this – in their struggle.

We discussed in details on Iran, Iranian issue, especially nuclear negotiations. I was in Tehran last month. The Iranians declared their willingness to restart the negotiations. We had a close contact with Cathy Ashton, and today we shared the best way is – to start these negotiations with a strong political will and good intention and with a result-oriented process, not just meeting and another meeting after one year, the same difficulties, the same procedures. They should meet and stay there until they resolve the issue. This – if there is such a concentrated negotiation, we hope that there might be – there will be a solution. There are other issues which we share – the developments in Balkans, Caucasia, Cyprus, many other issues. It shows how our – we have common agenda and interest together with the United States. And thank you very much for your great hospitality, Hillary. Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you so much.

MS. NULAND: We have time for four today. Two on the left side, two on the other side. We’ll start with (inaudible).

QUESTION: Thank you. Madam Secretary, the Russians seems to imply that no international peace-keeping forces, or even Arab League forces, can go back to Syria without the consent of the Syrian Government. So in this regard, are you putting pressure on the Syrians – on the Russians to mediate, to change their position? And how else can you have a mechanism to allow you to realize this?

And Mr. Foreign Minister, you just talked about Iran. Regarding Iran, Turkey has mediated before. Are you willing now to mediate to bring the Iranian back to the negotiation table, since the Secretary talked about willingness to have the – both sides talking?

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well first, we support the Arab League’s decisions coming out of the meeting in Cairo to try to end the violence and move toward a transition. And we look forward to working closely with them in the lead-up to the meeting in Tunisia. There are a lot of challenges to be discussed as to how to put into effect all of their recommendations. And certainly, the peacekeeping request is one that will take agreement and consensus. So we don’t know that it is going to be possible to persuade Syria. They’ve already, as of today, rejected that.

But I think this is what we’re trying to explore with the upcoming meeting in Tunisia, where we bring people together who are committed, as Turkey and the United States are, to seeing an end to the violence and a transition, and explore all of the ideas. Ultimately, it’s going to be important to convince the Assad regime that they are leading Syria into the outcome that we all deplore. We do not want to see a civil war in Syria. No one wants to see a civil war in Syria. So we have to encourage the Assad regime, and those who support it, to understand that there’s either a path toward peacemaking and democratic transition – which is what we are promoting – or there’s a path that leads toward chaos and violence, which we deplore.

FOREIGN MINISTER DAVUTOGLU: Thank you about the nuclear issue. I think Turkey is one of the countries who are losing because of this tension of the main countries, and Turkey will be one of the winning side, if there is any resolution of this issues because we have two principles here. We are against any nuclear military capacity around us in the region, or we want to have nuclear disarmament throughout all – in the globe. And – but at the same time, we don’t want any limitation to the peaceful nuclear capacity or technology.

Based on these two values, there should be a negotiation. Iran must ensure that there will be no military dimension of their nuclear technology, but at the same time, the right of having peaceful nuclear technology should be given to all nations including Iran.

Based on these values, Turkey will be contributing to all process, not as a mediator or nor as a facilitator. The name – the position is not important. We will be doing everything possible to resolve this issue. Last year, we hosted the last meeting. If there is another – I mean – request from us, we will be willing to host. We will be willing to facilitate if neither is – we willing – we are willing to mediate or do anything which will contribute to the process.

MODERATOR: Next one, Ali Aslan from daily Zaman.

QUESTION: Thank you. Turkey is a leading Muslim majority nation which has historically been part of Europe. But unfortunately, Turkey’s full membership process with the European Union is not moving much forward nowadays. Madam Secretary, are you concerned about possible implications of EU’s unwelcoming attitude towards Turkey in larger Islamic world, especially given the U.S. emphasis on constructive engagement with Muslims all over the world?

And Mr. Minister, are you optimistic Turkey will eventually be a member of EU? And what can U.S. do to further facilitate this process? For example, would you like to see more efforts on the part of U.S. towards resolution of the Cyprus conflict?

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well first, as you know, we have long supported Turkey’s full membership in the EU. We don’t have a vote, but we have certainly made our views known year after year because we think it’s in both Turkey’s interest and Europe’s interest for Turkey to be a full member of the European Union. And I am one who thinks eventually that will occur, that it is something that is very much in the interests of both economic and political integration. So I don’t want anyone to get discouraged, and I don’t want anyone to walk away from it – but like with any difficult negotiations, sometimes it needs to be put on the backburner for a while, and we have enough to keep us busy right now in the region.

And there is certainly a role for the United States to play because of our long association with, and alliance with Turkey that we value greatly. We’ve been partners and allies in NATO, where Turkey’s played a very constructive role from the beginning till the recent day. So we continue to believe that it’s in everyone’s interest for Turkey to become an EU member.

FOREIGN MINISTER DAVUTOGLU: This has been the question for many years. We have been repeating the same answer. Yes, we want to be member of EU, and in spite of all the discouragements coming from EU side, we are still optimistic that one day we will be member of EU, because our membership to EU will been an asset to EU and everybody will win. EU will be geopolitically more influential, economically more dynamic, culturally more inclusive. Turkey will be much more stronger, and Turkey and EU cooperation will be a great asset for U.S., for NATO, and for – will be great asset for the global community.

And of course, we are grateful to the United States because of the support given to this membership process, but of course, United States will not decide. If they have this chance to decide, I am sure until now, we would have been member of EU. But we still expect the same support. Every year, we are having transatlantic dinner hosted by Secretary Clinton, and she is facing problem always – first, EU meeting, then another meeting. Once – one day, we will be having just one meeting. We will be uniting.

SECRETARY CLINTON: And I always host a dinner with everybody at the table. (Laughter.)

FOREIGN MINISTER DAVUTOGLU: Yes, that’s --

SECRETARY CLINTON: It’s my eating diplomacy. I figure you eat together enough times, you work through all the problems.

FOREIGN MINISTER DAVUTOGLU: But this is her success, not insufficient success, because of her personal commitment. Thank you very much.

MODERATOR: Next one, Josh Rogan, Foreign Policy.

QUESTION: Thank you very much. Mr. Foreign Minister, it’s been reported that you brought a list of contingency options for Syria with you in hand to discuss with Secretary Clinton and Secretary Panetta. I’m wondering, did that list include providing buffer zones or safe havens inside Syria? And would Turkey be willing to contribute troops to such a mission?

And for Secretary Clinton, you just mentioned that a peacekeeping force in Syria would require the consensus of the Syrian regime. In the event that the Syrian regime does not concede to having foreign troops on their soil, what types of other assistance are – can be provided without their consent? Medical assistance, humanitarian assistance, communications, intelligence, et cetera? Thank you.

FOREIGN MINISTER DAVUTOGLU: Of course, as decision makers, politicians, we have to think all the options and scenarios. Some scenarios could be not opted for, but unfortunately in Syria today, there is such a situation we are alarming and we are all worried about. But today, the agenda in our consultations and also in Tunisian meeting will be a political solution, diplomatic solution, and humanitarian access as early as possible. Even at this moment, should be possible.

About other contingency plan, we hope that we will not need – there will be no scenarios for these plans. But if one day something happens, of course our basic reference is, as a neighbor, is the humanitarian – to include humanitarian situation and to protect civilians because they are not, I mean, far away. There are millions of people living in Turkey being relative of Syrian people. We cannot be silent when these humanitarian tragedies continuing. At this moment, we are talking on diplomatic and humanitarian steps to be taken, but for other scenarios we hope that those things will not be needed. But we need to think about contingencies as well.

SECRETARY CLINTON: I think that the minister has summed it up well.

MS. NULAND: Last one. (Inaudible.)

QUESTION: Thank you. Iraqi Prime Minister Maliki has harshly criticized and warned Turkey, claiming the Turkish Government interferes with internal affairs with – of his country. Ankara also responded to Baghdad.

Madam Secretary, are you concerned about the state of Iraqi-Turkey relations and do you think Iraq would be better off if it distances itself from Turkey? And what would be the possible implications for the United States?

Mr. Minister, what is Turkey’s vision about the future of Iraq? Are you concerned about an intensified sectarian conflict which might lead to a possible partition? Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, we are concerned about the political situation inside Iraq, because it’s important that the Iraqi Government be an inclusive one in which all Iraqis believe that they have a stake in the future of a united Iraq. And the foreign minister and I had a good discussion about Iraq and how we can work together to strengthen their democracy, help to settle political differences between various factions. We both have a very strong interest in a unified Iraq that is developing its democracy, providing services for its people, regardless of who they are or where they live.

So we were encouraged by the return of the Iraqiya bloc to the Council of Representatives. We are supporting President Talabani’s efforts to mediate among the different factions, to move toward a national conference that would focus on achieving a political solution that would represent the interests of all Iraqis in accordance with Iraqi law and the Iraqi constitution, because the Iraqi constitution calls for power sharing. It recognizes that there are different constituencies within Iraq, and we strongly support the efforts to try to reaffirm that commitment and then to build a stronger base for Iraqi governance and democracy going forward.

We encourage Turkey to continue to play an important role in trying to reach out to Baghdad, to many different personalities within the political system, and we’ve encouraged other nations in the region to do the same. We think Turkey’s played a very constructive role. But we share the concern about the need to demonstrate unequivocally a commitment to an inclusive Iraqi Government that represents all Iraqis.

FOREIGN MINISTER DAVUTOGLU: I think Iraq is the backbone of the stability in our region. If there is no stability in Iraq, there cannot be stability in our region. We have been always saying Iraq is like a small Middle East. We have all sectarian, ethnic communities, religious communities in the Middle East we have in Iraq.

And as Turkey, for us the stability of Iraq is so important. The welfare of all Iraqis, regardless of their ethnic or sectarian background, that is the only demand of Turkey. And when we see an Iraqi, we don’t look the identity. We see all Iraqis as our eternal neighbors, brothers and sisters. Their welfare is our welfare. If they have any problem, any pain, it is us, we feel the pain. Whenever there was any terrorist attack, Iraqi Government knows first we call them and we ask them with all the facilities we are at your disposal. That will – that has been our attitude. That will be the continuation of our policy.

But as Secretary Clinton referred, Iraqi constitution necessitates power sharing. In fact, Iraq is the place where the first Arab Spring, in the sense, in that sense, started when we look at the free and fair election first occurred in Iraq, and this parliament has been formed after a free and fair election. Therefore the success of Iraqi democracy now, the efficient work of Iraqi Government, is so important for all of us. Whenever we say something to Iraq, it is not for any intention of intervention, but it is an intention to help, that Turkey will be siding with Iraq for the success of the Iraqi democracy. And it is a test now for all Iraqis, for all neighbors. If there is a successful Iraqi democracy, that will be a good model for other countries as well.

How can we make such a success? It is – the only success is a common commitment of all groups, all parties, for the nation of unity, nation of sovereignty, integrity of Iraq, and working together, sharing power, and preparing Iraqi people for the future. Iraqi people suffered a lot in last three decades because of Iran-Iraqi war, because of Gulf War, et cetera. Now it is time for happiness, for prosperity in Iraq, and Turkey will be always contributing to the prosperity and happiness of Iraqi people.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you all very much.

Bombing of Israeli Diplomatic Vehicle in India and Attempted Attack on Israeli Embassy Personnel in Georgia

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Washington, DC

February 13, 2012

2012/201

 

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY CLINTON

 

 

 

I condemn in the strongest possible terms the bombing of an Israeli diplomatic vehicle in India and the attempted attack on Israeli Embassy personnel in Georgia.  The scourge of terrorism is an affront to the entire international community.  The United States places a high priority on the safety and security of diplomatic personnel around the world and we stand ready to assist with any investigation of these cowardly actions.  Our thoughts and prayers are with the injured personnel in New Delhi and their loved ones.

 

Remarks at Techwomen Conference

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

San Francisco, CA

February 13, 2012

America’s high-tech leaders are at the heart of what makes this country great. Your products change the way we live, work, and play. Now, I’m asking for your help on a new diplomatic priority: mentoring women entrepreneurs who are ready to help transform their societies.

This program helps women – in the United States and throughout the world – to create connections that inspire ideas and innovation.

Last year, the Department of State connected dozens of women from the Middle East and North Africa with mentors from U.S.-based technology companies to teach them valuable skills. Thanks to the generous support of these companies, TechWomen from Algiers to Amman saw firsthand how American women drive innovation as they mapped out a path to create opportunities in their own communities back home.

Now we’re expanding this network to more countries. This year, TechWomen will include women from Tunisia and Yemen. We also need more mentors from American tech companies – and that’s where all of you come in.

If you’re not already a TechWomen mentor, I hope you’ll consider signing up. You’ll have fun. You might learn something yourself. And you can help a woman who already has a great idea, but just needs that extra bit of guidance or encouragement, to launch a new app or start a new business. Ultimately, that could mean more jobs and more stable societies – and that’s good for all of us.

Thank you.

Remarks With Italian Foreign Minister Giulio Terzi di Sant'Agata Before Their Meeting

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Treaty Room

Washington, DC

February 9, 2012

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, good afternoon. And we are delighted to be welcoming the prime minister to the White House this afternoon for his meetings with President Obama and the foreign minister, who is well known in Washington, here to the State Department in his new capacity.

The United States and Italy have such a strong friendship and alliance, and we are working on a full range of important issues from our common efforts in Afghanistan to our concerns over Syria to, of course, the economic issues that will be the topic of the conversation with the President.

But I want to underscore how confident we are in Italy, in Italy’s future, in the extraordinary commitment that Prime Minister Monti and his government are bringing to the challenges confronting the Italian people, and in the Italian people themselves. So it is with great personal pleasure that I welcome you back, Minister.

FOREIGN MINISTER TERZI: Thank you very much, Secretary. It’s a great pleasure. It’s an honor to be seen here at State Department. And I believe that we are going to have a very interesting conversation about political issues, which are a common concern to both our countries and where we are involved.

You know, Madam Secretary, that we are particularly engaged in Mediterranean issues, especially developments in the societies which are leaning towards, we hope, democratic institutions and which are reaffirming the sense of the Arab Spring, but we are also concerned about developments in Syria and Iran. And that is something where we should have a common purpose and a common understanding on how to proceed. So I thank you very much.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, I look forward to our conversation.

FOREIGN MINISTER TERZI: Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you all very much.

Remarks Haitian Prime Minister Garry Conille Before Their Meeting

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Treaty Room

Washington, DC

February 8, 2012

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, it’s a tremendous pleasure and honor for me to welcome Haiti’s prime minister. Prime Minister Conille is working very hard alongside President Martelly and other leaders in Haiti to give Haitians the future that they deserve, and we are proud to be your partner and your friend in this very important undertaking.

And I look forward to continuing our conversations, Prime Minister.

PRIME MINISTER CONILLE: Thank you very much for meeting with us. Thank you for (inaudible). I’m very, very happy to be here. And we’re very thankful for your government’s support to Haiti, not only after the earthquake, but for years and years. And we’re grateful for the opportunity to have these discussions.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you, sir.

PRIME MINISTER CONILLE: Thank you Madam Secretary.

SECRETARY CLINTON: My pleasure. Thank you all.

International Day of Zero Tolerance to Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Washington, DC

February 6, 2012

Today, we mark the ninth annual International Day of Zero Tolerance to Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C). It is estimated that 100 to 140 million women around the world have undergone this brutal procedure and three million girls are at risk every year. We must continue to act to end this affront to women’s equality and the rights and dignity of women and girls.

No religion mandates this procedure, though it occurs across cultures, religions, and continents. It is performed on girls in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. Even in the United States we are fighting this practice. FGM/C became a federal crime in the United States in 1997, but the procedure persists in some communities. The U.S. Government is working with practitioners in the health and legal community to educate groups about the negative consequences of FGM/C.

Over the years, community advocates have found that when men come to understand the physical and psychological trauma FGM/C causes, they often become effective activists for eradication, including fathers who refuse to allow their daughters to be subject to the procedure. Communities must act collectively to abandon the practice, so that girls and their families who opt out do not become social outcasts. This approach has led around 8,000 communities across Africa to abandon the practice, usually through a public declaration. Communities working together can ensure stronger, healthier futures for girls and young women.

Every government has an obligation to protect its citizens from such abuse. As we commemorate International Day of Zero Tolerance and remember those who have been harmed, we reaffirm our commitment to overturning deeply entrenched social norms and abolishing this practice. All women and girls, no matter where they are born or what culture they are raised in, deserve the opportunity to realize their potential.

Meeting With Staff and Families of U.S. Embassy Sofia

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

U.S. Embassy Sofia

Sofia, Bulgaria

February 5, 2012

(In progress.) And so of course I’m not going to cancel, and I’m delighted that I had a chance to be here. And I want to thank not only our American team, but all the locally employed staff who really provided the continuity from ambassador to ambassador and a huge team to help us work together.

Now, I was here in 1998 and I am thrilled to be back. I’m delighted to have Peace Corps volunteers here somewhere. (Applause.) I know they’re not a quiet group. (Laughter.) I expect to get some reaction whenever I run into them. And so 20 years ago, Peace Corps volunteers started arriving to teach English, working here in development. A Fulbright Program commission was established for university exchanges. We’ve given over $600 million in aid to help build schools, fight corruption, (inaudible) civil society. And we see democratic institutions taking root and growing stronger. In fact, starting next year, Peace Corps members will start leaving. And that’s – it’s kind of a bad (inaudible) to this story, because I know that you love serving here. When I asked Jim, “How do you like serving in Bulgaria,” he lit up and talked about how wonderful the country and people were.

But Bulgaria doesn’t need Peace Corps volunteers the way it once did, and it no longer qualifies for U.S. assistance in democracy and government promotion. Because that’s the story we want to sell, that our aid, our people coming, and help in the democratic transition. And Mission Sofia has been a model for innovative, low-cost solutions. I am thrilled about the commitment to green initiatives. Jim told me there’s even a chance that we could get to our goal of a net zero building, which would be an amazing accomplishment.

Your post support unit is a great success and a notable (inaudible), handling financial track factions for aiding posts, and this is our last year (inaudible), had a process over 80,000 value. So you’re putting into action what I call Smart Power 21^st Century Statecraft. It is very important, as the State Department and USAID take their rightful place in our national security team (inaudible) events, that we do our jobs in the most effective way possible, using taxpayer dollars in an efficient manner to get results, and you here in Sofia are really helping to lead the way.

(Inaudible.) But I am thrilled that I had a chance to see you, and to thank you, and to really thank you for the work you’re doing on behalf of strengthening and deepening this really important relationship.

Thank you all very much, and I want to shake your hands. (Applause.)

# # #

Video Remarks to the First 2012 Meeting of the L'Aquila Food Security Initiative

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Washington, DC

February 6, 2012

Good morning everyone. I am delighted to welcome you to this year’s first meeting of the L’Aquila Food Security Initiative. As you know so well food security is a major pillar of our administration’s development agenda, and it is a personal passion of mine. That is why we created the Feed the Future initiative and why the State Department launched our 1000 Days Nutrition Partnership and created the Office of Global Food Security, which is hosting this landmark event.

AFSI has been critical in our work, and it will continue to be important as we move ahead. This initiative helps us coordinate our efforts and keeps us all accountable for our investments in food security. And that’s exactly the kind of rigorous effort it will take for all of us to meet the Millennium Development Goals.

As the United States looks forward to our tenure as Chair of AFSI in 2012, our primary goal is to ensure not only that donor countries are living up to our own financial pledges, but also that these contributions are being allocated strategically and making a real difference in the fight against global hunger. To do this, we will expand reporting on our investments at the country level, deepen our engagement with developing country partners, track our spending on research for agricultural development, and measure the impact of our investments.

So I want to thank you, all of you for all the work you’re done to make AFSI a success so far, and for everything you will do to build on that success. I hope you have a productive meeting and a pleasant stay here in Washington and I look forward to hearing the results of this important conference. Thank you.

Remarks at a Roundtable With Young Roma Professionals

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Embassy Sofia

Sofia, Bulgaria

February 5, 2012

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, thank you very much. I wish to thank Ambassador Warlick and the Embassy for arranging this meeting, and I am honored to be meeting with so many leaders from Bulgaria’s Roma community. And I think that the men and women around this table remind us of the lessons that history has borne out again and again, that discrimination anywhere, against anyone, diminishes the human dignity of us all, that persistence does eventually win out over prejudice, and that talent only needs the opportunity to thrive.

Americans have learned these lessons over the course of our history. As you may well know, we have had many challenges to include every member of our society, regardless of their race or their ethnicity or any other characteristic that set them apart or made them a member of a minority group, and we are the stronger for it.

Here in Europe, one of the pieces of unfinished business is the full integration of the Roma people into the societies and nations where they reside. For too long, Roma citizens have been marginalized and isolated, prevented from contributing their talents and participating in their societies. This is a critical matter of human rights, and it affects millions of men, women, and children across the continent.

I’m also very troubled to see anti-Roma violence and protests, which in some places are increasing and getting worse. It’s also an error for any society not to fully educate every child, and in too many places Roma children attend subpar, usually segregated, schools. And what is the result of that? Well, then Roma people themselves begin to feel apathetic, uninvolved, and then that continues the cycle, which has to be broken.

So I think that building better understanding between Roma and non-Roma communities is very important. I remember visiting with Roma children at the Faith, Hope, and Love Center during my visit to Bulgaria back in 1998. Seeing their spirit and intelligence shining through the adversity that they had experienced in their young lives was a highlight of my trip. So helping to promote and protect the inalienable human rights of Roma everywhere is a long-standing personal commitment of mine, and it is a stated foreign policy priority of this Administration.

Today, I am proud to announce that the United States will join the Decade of Roma Inclusion as an official observer. This commitment is admirable by European governments, and it will help improve opportunities for Roma to participate in the political, social, economic, and cultural lives of their communities. Bulgaria is a founding member of this initiative, so I’m very pleased that I could announce the United States joining this effort here in Sofia.

I also want to commend the Government of Bulgaria for their Roma integration strategy and urge that they work together with the Roma communities and other people of interest to implement the plans that have been adopted.

Now, there’s a moral reason why supporting the rights of the Roma people is the right thing to do, but there’s also, in today’s 21^st century economy, economic reasons. Countries that don’t fully integrate women or minorities of any kind will not have the economic growth in GDP that is possible and will face the loss of human potential.

So I’m looking forward to hearing from our guests today, to hear of their experience and their ideas about what we together can do that will really put into action the commitment that I wish to make clear today to Roma people, to civil society groups, and to governments working on this issue across Europe, that the United States is very concerned and interested and will stand with you as a partner.

Thank you very much.

# # #

Remarks With Bulgarian Prime Minister Boyko Borissov After Their Meeting

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Council of Ministers

Sofia, Bulgaria

February 5, 2012

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, it’s an honor to be back in this beautiful country and to have a chance to demonstrate the very strong partnership and friendship between the United States and Bulgaria. I promised the people of Bulgaria that the United States would stand with you, and we have done so. And we are very impressed and proud of the extraordinary progress that has been made and the strong relationship between the Bulgarian and American people and governments.

I would like to thank the prime minister for receiving me today and for the excellent discussions that our two teams have just concluded. I also want to thank the president, with whom I met earlier, and the foreign minister, with whom I work on a regular basis throughout the year.

The prime minister and I just had a very productive meeting. It underscored the depth and range of the partnership between us. As NATO allies, Bulgaria and the United States work side by side around the world to address critical issues, from ensuring a successful transition in Afghanistan to keeping the peace in Kosovo, to diversifying and securing our energy supplies, including in the nuclear sector. We are partners in helping to advance Bulgaria’s energy independence and security and in protecting the beautiful Bulgarian environment.

When we demonstrate that technologies are safe, we pursue both goals at once, and we will stand with the Bulgarian people and government as they work to be able to provide affordable energy that meets your needs. I will be sending my special envoy for Eurasian Energy, Ambassador Richard Morningstar, to Bulgaria this week to have expert conversations about how we can be more helpful in protecting your environment and advancing your energy security goals.

Our excellent cooperation has helped to deter, detect, and stop trafficking in nuclear and other radioactive materials. Our joint counternarcotics investigations have seized over $3 million in illegal assets. Our law enforcement partnership has led to the arrest of hackers conducting international fraud schemes. I want to commend the law enforcement arms of the government, as well as the government itself – for being a very effective leader in these kinds of efforts, addressing critical problems that affect, not just Bulgaria and the region, but indeed the world.

Bulgaria’s experience transitioning from communism to democracy, setting up effective institutions and persevering over the last 20 years provides many useful lessons. All one has to do is look at the statistics – among the lowest unemployment rates, lowest taxation rates, increasing international investment, including American investment. The social and economic development of the country stands as a great model, not only within Europe, but increasingly abroad to countries attempting to make the transition from authoritarianism and dictatorial rule to democracy and rule by the people.

Bulgaria has taken several steps in the last few years to combat corruption, pursue judicial reform, and uphold the rule of law for all citizens. These are very important steps for any democracy, and it will help Bulgaria continue to strengthen your democratic institutions. The Sofia Platform, which will meet for the third time later this year, is an excellent vehicle for sharing the lessons that you have learned throughout Central Europe and the Middle East. And we thank Bulgaria, thank you, Prime Minister, for your leadership in this area.

Bulgaria has just recently joined the Open Government Partnership that was started by President Obama and is co-chaired with the Brazilians. We will look forward to working with Bulgaria as you implement your action plan to improve government transparency and accountability and also pursue the potential use of e-government, which we are finding around the world is a great tool for bringing government closer to the people. And I think the president told me earlier that 2.2 million Bulgarians are on Facebook, so the technology is already present and putting it to use on behalf of better governance will be one of the issues we discuss when the Open Government Partnership meets in Brasilia later this spring.

I will be also meeting with a group of young Roma leaders and activists, and I applaud the Government of Bulgaria for the important Roma integration strategy, an important step toward full integration of your Roma people.

The relationship between our two countries is broad and deep. And President Obama and I are committed to working with the prime minister, the president, the Government of Bulgaria, and the people in making it even stronger and deeper in the years ahead. So it’s a great pleasure to be here, to see for myself even with this short visit the extraordinary progress that you are making. We will continue to stand with you as you move on the path of democracy to consolidate the gains that have brought so many benefits to Bulgaria, and we will face together the challenges and opportunities of the 21^st century.

Thank you, Prime Minister.

PRIME MINISTER BORISSOV: (Via interpreter) I would also like to thank you. Just a couple of words on the main issues discussed, our cooperation. I would build on what Mrs. Clinton said. We all are concerned with what is going on in Syria, with the developments in Syria, and we hope that this will stop immediately. We also discussed the issue of shale gas. I just want to mention this so that there are not too many questions about it. As Mrs. Clinton said, Bulgarian environment, Bulgarian nature and its protection for the next generations is a top priority, it ranks first, and the financial and economic benefits come second. This is why we agreed to bring the best specialists on these new technologies to present the benefits of the technology to the Bulgarian people. Until then, the moratorium is in place so that we can safeguard Bulgarian environment.

Deepest respects was paid to the Bulgarian soldiers, Bulgarian troops in Afghanistan. It was mentioned that our – they’re highly professional soldiers with regards to energy diversification. I presented to Mrs. Clinton the fact that the Bulgarian-Romanian gas interconnection will be launched in May. The connection with Greece will be launched in – somewhat later because of the (inaudible) position procedures and delays related to them, as well as I presented Secretary Clinton with information about the joint cabinet meetings of Bulgarian and Turkish Government, when officials will be taken for launching the interconnection.

Just one question each. If you have any questions to me, on Bulgarian side. Bulgarian National Television, Mr. (inaudible).

QUESTION: (Via interpreter) Secretary Clinton, will the U.S. commitment to Bulgarian security be broadened? And would the role of our joint facilities in Bulgaria be augmented after U.S. pulls out its troops from Europe?

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, first let me say how committed the United States is to Bulgaria’s security. We are NATO allies. We take very seriously our Article 5 obligation for collective defense. Bulgaria has been an important, productive partner of NATO, and I did tell the prime minister that Bulgarian troops serving in Afghanistan have a well-deserved reputation for professionalism and bravery. I want to extend condolences for the loss of life and casualties that the Bulgarian troops have suffered.

With respect to security cooperation going forward, we want to make sure that we consult closely with our Bulgarian friends about how the United States and Bulgaria bilaterally and through NATO will make sure that Europe has the best defense in terms of missile defense and other capabilities in order to protect Bulgaria and all of our European allies.

I think that there will be a number of joint military exercises between the United States and Bulgaria this year. We are looking to expand our military cooperation and to do a thorough review about where it stands today and where it needs to be going in the future. I cannot prejudge that review, but the overriding issue for us is that Bulgaria has proven to be a very capable partner for whom we have the greatest respect and to whom we owe our NATO responsibility of providing defense. And we are absolutely committed to doing so.

I think we have an American question from Lachlan Carmichael.

 QUESTION: Hello to both of you. First, now that the Russians have vetoed the resolution on Syria, what’s the next step? The Syrians are calling for a coalition of support. What can you say to that? And then, of course, on Bulgaria, why is it so important that a country like Bulgaria be economically and politically independent of Russia?

 SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, do you want me to go first, Prime Minister? Let me start with Syria. Let me begin by saying that Bulgaria, as you just heard the prime minister express, has been very supportive of the aspirations and rights of the Syrian people, and we are grateful for that. What happened yesterday at the United Nations was a travesty. Those countries that refuse to support the Arab League plan bear full responsibly for protecting the brutal regime in Damascus. And it is tragic that after all the work that the Security Council did, they had a 13-2 vote. The 13 of us voting in favor of the Arab League plan were primed to start a process for political engagement that would lead to a transition. We feared that the failure to do so would actually increase the chances for a brutal civil war. Many Syrians, under attack from their own government, are moving to defend themselves, which is to be expected. So what do we do? Well, faced with a neutered Security Council, we have to redouble our efforts outside of the United Nations with those allies and partners who support the Syrian people’s right to have a better future. We have to increase diplomatic pressure on the Assad regime and work to convince those people around President Assad that he must go, and that there has to be a recognition of that and a new start to try to form a government that will represent all of the people of Syria.

We will work to seek regional and national sanctions against Syria and strengthen the ones we have. They will be implemented to the fullest to dry up the sources of funding and the arms shipments that are keeping the regime’s war machine going. We will work to expose those who are still are funding the regime and sending it weapons that are used against defenseless Syrians, including women and children. And we will work with the friends of a democratic Syria around the world to support the opposition’s peaceful political plans for change. We will work to provide what humanitarian relief we are able to do so. And over the coming days, I will be consulting closely with our allies and partners in Europe, in the Arab League, and around the world. Because remember, in those 13 votes you had not only Europeans, but you have Arabs, Africans, Latin Americans, South Asians. This was a unified international community seeking an end to the violence. So we will consult – be consulting with the foreign minister here and others – about what we can do to rescue this deteriorating situation before it's too late.

 Do you want to say anything about Syria?

 PRIME MINISTER BORISSOV: (Via interpreter) I can answer to the second question. I even said this to the – during European Council meeting. You know that we passed the declaration with regards to the violence in Syria, and my position is no internal or external political issue can be resolved by blood, by shedding people’s blood. Condolences to those who lost their lives in Egypt, and (inaudible) the football game. The loss of life is of greatest concern to all democratically thinking people, and they should all insist that this should immediately stop. This is our categorical position.

On the second question on the diversification, energy diversification of a country such as Bulgaria, to make it more independent from the energy supplies from Russia, just like in the case of shale gas, I was very clear. Our environment comes first, and until we convince – we persuade the public that the technology is safe, we cannot move forward. I would say the same, sir, with regards to nuclear. I will quote what I said to Mrs. Clinton. If I believe one hundred percent that building a nuclear power plant is a hundred percent safe and we will not have to decommision reactors in 10 years’ time, because we already have such experience in Bulgaria, I would sign the agreement today.

 It is those concerns that make us be so careful, so cautious, but we’re still trying to work for diversification in any area – any electricity generation, gas, oil, and so on and so forth. We have made great progress, in Bulgarian terms, of using renewable energy sources, also using coal. Bulgaria is very active. We are planning to start construction of the Gorna Arda hydroelectric power station. So we are making great efforts in this direction. We are pragmatic with regards to every – any project; is it good for the environment, is it economically and financially beneficial, and of course, what would happen in 10 or 20 years with the project?

I think you should agree that if – for us to pay 7-10 billion and to have to decommission in 10 years, that would be stupid. You see, in communications in modern and (inaudible), what were thought as state of the art technology a year ago is obsolete now. This is why, when I am to commit to allocate taxpayers’ money for certain projects, I have to be very cautious. We already spent more than 1.4 billion leva for the (inaudible) project, and we’re still trying to find solutions, and I hope we will find them soon.

 SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you.

Remarks at Women's Breakfast

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Prinz Carl Palais

Munich, Germany

February 5, 2012

SECRETARY CLINTON: (Applause.) Well, thank you so much. Thanks to the Bavarian State Chancellery, which is hosting us, especially to Minister Merk, for organizing this breakfast, and to all of you for getting up so early on a Sunday morning in the cold to come out to show solidarity and support for women in international security. I wanted to make just a few brief comments and then if anyone has something they want to say or ask before I have to go to Bulgaria, I would be very pleased to respond.

I wanted to just focus our attention on an area that is of critical importance in which we are making some, but not enough, progress. And that was the passage of the historic UN Security Council Resolution 1325. We recognize that when we think about peacemaking, which is, after all, one of the critical tasks of any of us in international security, that something is missing. And that is women. There are not enough women at the table, not enough women's voices being heard. And when the Security Council passed Resolution 1325, we tried to make a very clear statement, that women are still largely shut out of the negotiations that seek to end conflicts, even though women and children are the primary victims of 21st century conflict.

And this is not just a faraway problem. Where I was sitting up on the stage at the Munich conference, I was trying to count what looked to be the heads of women. And there were not enough, I have to tell you. (Applause.)

PARTICIPANT: Thirty-seven.

SECRETARY CLINTON: I don't know. Thirty-seven? Thirty-seven. Well, I didn't get that high a number, but I take your word for it.

And in the last two decades, dozens of conflicts have persisted because peace efforts were unsuccessful. Talks broke down, agreements were broken, parties found it easier to fight than to negotiate. And far too often in these failed efforts women were marginalized, making up, by one estimate, just eight percent of all peace negotiators. And when you look around the world, as a number of us are privileged to do in the positions that we hold now, or that we have held in the past, you see how hard it is to make peace under any circumstance. But the exclusion of women, I argue, makes it even harder.

Because there is a great story about an effort to try to resolve aspects of the conflict in Darfur a few years ago. And the men had been arguing and arguing for days about authority over a particular riverbed. And finally, a woman heard about this and just made herself walk in and say, "But that river dried up. There is no water in that river." Or think about the wonderful documentary, "Pray the Devil Back to Hell," about the women in Liberia. But for them, who knows whether that conflict would have ended?

And so that is why, in December, finally, the United States, under President Obama, launched the first-ever U.S. national action plan on women, peace, and security. We worked very hard on this, and we did it jointly, between the State Department and the Defense Department. Because, from our perspective, it was essential that we have a comprehensive road map for accelerating and institutionalizing efforts across the United States Government to advance women's participation in making and keeping peace.

And the national action plan represents a fundamentally different way for the United States to do business. It is really trying to lay out a new approach in our diplomatic, military, and development support to women in areas of conflict, and to ensure that their perspectives and that considerations of gender are always part of how the United States approaches peace processes, conflict prevention, the protection of civilians, humanitarian assistance.

Now, more than 30 countries, many of them represented here, have had similar national action plans developed. And we think the United Nations really deserves our support in making sure that we continue this progress. NATO itself has a robust effort, increasingly factoring women and their needs into key planning processes and training courses, and stationing experts throughout operational headquarters.

Now, I am well aware that whenever I talk about these issues, as opposed to who we are going to strike next and what kind of tough position we are going to take, it is often dismissed as soft or relegated to the margins of the real conversation. Well, we just completely reject that. And the evidence is so clear that rejecting it is the right decision. So if you look at what we did with the Department of State, Department of Defense, USAID, others across our government, it incorporates the lessons that our military has learned over, frankly, 10 years of war about the links between the security of women and the stability and peace of nations.

For example, the Department of State works closely with the Department of Defense on the Global Peace Operations Initiative, which has facilitated the training of more than 2,000 female peacekeepers worldwide, many from African countries, where persistent conflict is so devastating to women and children.

In Afghanistan we have tried to increase the role of women, no easy task. We sent our own teams of female soldiers, as did other NATO-ISAF countries, to curb violence against women, honor killings, female immolation, as well as pursue certain security functions such as inspections and personal examinations. And in 2010, 10 percent of the Afghan military academy's class will be women. And by 2014, we expect to field 5,000 women Afghan national police officers. That is a tough job. And I want all of us to support that, because part of what we have to do as we try to test whether peace is possible in Afghanistan, is to make it very clear that peace will not come at the expense of women's rights and roles. They have suffered too much for too long. (Applause.)

So, I would be eager to hear thoughts and perspectives. I look around this room and I see great colleagues, colleagues from the United States Senate -- Susan Collins, who is here, I don't know if we have anyone else from the -- anybody else from the -- oh, Loretta Sanchez, who is from the House, and then other colleagues of mine in government, colleagues from the EU, from NATO, from other parts of our work together. So I would be delighted. And, of course, I am always pleased to be with the President of Kosovo, who has been such a great representative for her country. (Applause.)

Remarks at the Munich Security Conference

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Bayerischer Hof

Munich, Germany

February 4, 2012

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you. It’s good to be back here in Munich for this important conference and the first time that the American delegation includes both the Secretary of State and the Secretary of Defense, which I think speaks volumes about the importance of our transatlantic relationship.

As I said this morning, I have now traveled to Europe 27 times as Secretary of State. President Obama has visited ten times. So when President Obama says that Europe remains the cornerstone of our engagement with the world, those are not just reassuring words; that is the reality. Europe is our partner of first resort.

Here in Munich, I have had productive discussions with a number of my counterparts concerning a list of critical issues. One that kept coming up is the ongoing violence in Syria. As a bankrupt regime clings to power by shelling its own people in their homes, we have seen a living nightmare play out in the city of Homs. It’s a nightmare that has been repeated across Syria over these past many months. Almost 30 days – almost 30 years to the day after the infamous Hama massacre, the international community must send Assad a clear message: By repeating the horrors of Syria’s past, you have lost your place in Syria’s future.

As President Obama said today, we owe it to the victims of Hama and Homs to learn one lesson – that cruelty must be confronted for the sake of justice and human dignity. The United States and our partners have engaged in intensive diplomacy at the United Nations Security Council to put the world on record in support of an immediate halt to the violence; a negotiated, peaceful solution; and a responsible democratic transition.

It is difficult, however, to imagine that after the bloodiest day yet in Syria, there are those who would prevent the world community from condemning this violence. And I would ask them: What more do we need to know to act decisively in the Security Council? The Syrian Government has shown its contempt for the international community, for its Arab neighbors, and most of all for its own citizens. As I said at the United Nations on Tuesday, to block this resolution is to bear responsibility for the horrors that are occurring on the ground in Syria.

Now, no one should minimize the challenges Syrians will face after Assad. But the alternative is in no one’s interests. As the Security Council has debated, the killing has intensified. Each day of repression and violence makes it more difficult for Syrians to reconcile, rebuild, and chart that new future that they deserve. It also increases the risk of sectarian conflict and chaos in the heart of the Middle East. The Syrian people have asked the Security Council to act. The Arab League has asked the Security Council to act.

The draft on the table being considered as I speak gives full backing to a Syrian-led process that will benefit the region and the world, and give the Syrian people the chance they deserve. We should act now. And I’m grateful to say that on this issue, as on so many others in this fast-changing world we inhabit, America and Europe are standing shoulder to shoulder in confronting the challenges and seizing the opportunities of the 21^st century.

So let us hope that we will continue to work closely together to realize the benefits of that extraordinary Euro-Atlantic relationship and to help not only our own people, but the people of the world realize a better tomorrow.

I’ll be happy to take some questions.

MODERATOR: We have time for three tonight. First one, Reuters, Arshad Mohammed.

QUESTION: Secretary Clinton, you didn’t mention Russia by name in your statement, though it is believed to be the only holdout at this point. Is there anything that you heard either in your meeting with Secretary – with Foreign Minister Lavrov or in the couple of hours since then that has given you any hope that Russia might support or might abstain on the resolution?

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, Arshad, I had a long meeting with Foreign Minister Lavrov today. I reiterated our strong view that the Syrian people are counting on the Security Council to act, and act today. I pointed out that this resolution had been debated and discussed by our representatives in New York. It had taken into account some of the concerns that were raised by Russia and others, but that we needed to pass a resolution that laid out a clear path to end the violence, protect civilians and human rights, and chart a political, democratic transition.

There were questions that were raised by Minister Lavrov concerning amendments that Russia sought in the resolution that had been agreed to and had already moved into what’s called being in blue, which means it can be brought up at any time by any member of the Security Council. I thought that there might be some ways to bridge, even at this last moment, a few of the concerns that the Russians had. I offered to work in a constructive manner to do so. That has not been possible. And we are going forward, as we said we would, with the vote this afternoon.

And as members of the Security Council, we feel strongly it is time to declare ourselves. Are we for peace and security and a democratic future, or are we going to be complicit in the continuing violence and bloodshed? I know where the United States stands, and we will soon find out where every other member of the Security Council stands.

MODERATOR: Next question, Ralf Borchard, ARD.

QUESTION: Thank you. Secretary Clinton, we could all hear your counterpart, Sergey Lavrov, ask a question about the endgame in Syria. What is the way ahead in case there is no President Assad stepping aside, even in case of a weakened resolution Russia agrees to? How does the endgame look like?

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, we don’t know what the endgame will be until we start the game, and that is what the Arab League has been working on and reaching consensus about and setting forth in a plan that they adopted to make clear that we need to have a transition process that begins. Now, standing here in Munich, I cannot predict to you every step along the way, but one thing I am sure of – if we do not begin the process, I know what will happen: more bloodshed, increasing resistance by those whose families are being killed and whose homes are being bombed, and a greater likelihood that Syria will descend into a civil war. That is the outcome every one of us must work to avoid.

So I know my friend Minister Lavrov says, “Well, what’s the endgame?” Well, the endgame, in the absence of us acting together as the international community, I fear, is civil war. The potential endgames, if we are serious about putting this kind of international pressure on the Assad regime, making it clear to the opposition that they should pursue their changes in a peaceful manner, is the possibility of beginning a transition.

Similar to what we have seen now beginning in Yemen, it took a long time, it was a lot of false starts, but we just kept at it day after day. And they’re going to have an election; they’re going to have the chance to at least try to move forward. So I think that asking what the endgame is can’t be answered until we actually start to bring about the changes that we think will be beneficial.

QUESTION: Any possibility of (inaudible)?

MODERATOR: Les, I’m sorry.

SECRETARY CLINTON: No, military intervention has been absolutely ruled out, and we’ve made that clear from the very beginning.

MODERATOR: Last question – a short one because the Secretary’s got to go – Matt Lee, AP.

QUESTION: I’ll try to – okay. I’ll try to make this as short as possible. Staying in the region, but not on Syria, it’s no secret that U.S. relations with Egypt have been strained for some time now, especially over the detention or the no-fly status of these NGO workers. You met with the Egyptian foreign minister a little earlier this afternoon. I’m wondering if anything has been resolved, what did you tell him, and have you renewed the warning that U.S. aid to Egypt might be at stake?

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, I did meet with Foreign Minister Amr today. I had a chance to once again express our deep concerns about what is happening to our NGOs, and Americans and others who work for them, as well as the Konrad Adenauer Foundation that is based here in Germany. We do not believe there is any basis for these investigations, these raids on the sites that the NGOs operate out of, the seizure of their equipment, and certainly no basis for prohibiting the exit from the country by individuals who have been working with our NGOs.

We are very clear that there are problems that arise from this situation that can impact all the rest of our relationship with Egypt. We do not want that. We have worked very hard the last year to put into place financial assistance and other support for the economic and political reforms that are occurring in Egypt, and we will have to closely review these matters as it comes time for us to certify whether or not any of these funds from our government can be made available under these circumstances.

MODERATOR: Thank you very much.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you very much.

Remarks at Euro-Atlantic Security Community Initiative and Keynote Session Q&A

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Bayerischer Hof

Munich, Germany

February 4, 2012

SECRETARY CLINTON: (Applause.) Thank you very much. This is a first, with both Secretary Panetta and I here together. But I think that it speaks volumes about the importance that we place on this conference, Wolfgang, and on the significance of the alliance that has grown so strong over the last 50 years. It is also a great personal pleasure for me to be back in Munich with so many colleagues and friends. I wish to thank one of them, my friend, the Foreign Minister, Westerwelle, for his important comments. And I also wish to thank the presentation by Sam Nunn and Igor Ivanov on the Euro-Atlantic Security Initiative that I think holds great promise for us all if we heed the words that it contains.

This gathering, as Leon just said, founded at the height of the Cold War, has become an important symbol of our commitment to stand together as a transatlantic community. And we come to Munich each year, not only to advance our shared values, our shared security, and our shared prosperity, but to take stock of where we stand in the efforts to forge that union between us, and also to lift up our heads and look around the world at the global security situation. That calling is no less powerful today than it was 50 years ago.

Now, I have heard all the talk about where Europe fits in to America's global outlook. And I have heard some of the doubts expressed. But the reality couldn't be clearer. Europe is and remains America's partner of first resort. I have now traveled to Europe 27 times as Secretary of State. President Obama has visited 10 times. And wherever America is working to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, to fight disease, to help nations on the difficult journey from dictatorship to democracy, we are side by side with our friends in Europe.

In fact, I would argue the transatlantic community has never been more closely aligned in confronting the challenges of a complex, dangerous, and fast-changing world. The breadth and depth of our cooperation is remarkable. You know the litany. In Libya, NATO allies came together with Arab and other partners to prevent a catastrophe and to support the Libyan people. In Afghanistan, with nearly 40,000 European troops on the ground alongside our own, we have built and sustained NATO's largest-ever overseas deployment. And we will continue to support the Afghans as they assume full responsibility for their own security by the end of 2014.

As Iran continues to defy its obligations, America, Europe, and other partners have put in place the toughest sanctions yet. And we are also pursuing diplomacy through the E3+3 track, because Europe is vital to both halves of that dual-track strategy. And as a tyrant in Damascus brutalizes his own people, America and Europe stand shoulder to shoulder. We are united, alongside the Arab League, in demanding an end to the bloodshed and a democratic future for Syria. And we are hopeful that at 10:00 a.m. Eastern Standard Time in New York, the Security Council will express the will of the international community. (Applause.)

As Secretary Panetta just made clear, our commitment to European defense is just as deep and durable as our diplomacy. At this year's NATO summit in Chicago, we will update our alliance to keep it strong for the 21st century. So when President Obama says that "Europe remains the cornerstone of our engagement with the world," those aren't just reassuring words. That is the reality.

Today's transatlantic community is not just a defining achievement of the century behind us. It is indispensable to the world we hope to build together in the century ahead. Here in Munich, it is not enough to reaffirm old commitments. The world around us is fast transforming, and America and Europe need a forward-leaning agenda to deal with the challenges we face. Let me just briefly discuss five areas in particular that will require a greater collective effort.

First, we have to finish the business our predecessors started, and build a Europe that is secure, united, and democratic. And we heard the ICI Report that sets forward some very specific steps we could take together. From day one of this Administration, we have worked closely together to transform strategic relations with Russia, while standing firmly behind both our principles and our friends. This approach has yielded results, but we need work to sustain it. And this is not the only place in our community where we need to overcome mistrust. As long as important conflicts remain unresolved in Eastern Europe, the Balkans, the Caucasus, and the Mediterranean, Europe remains incomplete and insecure. Even as we grapple with a wider global agenda, we cannot lose sight of the challenges closer to home.

And let me underscore the word "trust". We heard it from Igor Ivanov, we heard it from Guido Westerwelle, and I think it deserves repeating. We have to do more together to build a sense of trust and to overcome mistrust among us. That will have to be one of our strategic imperatives, if we expect to address successfully the issues ahead.

Second, because the strength of our alliance depends on the health of our economies, security and prosperity are ultimately inseparable. That means we need a common agenda for economic recovery and growth that is every bit as compelling as our global security cooperation. We recognize that Europe's most urgent economic priority is the ongoing financial crisis. As you probably know, we have been dealing with one of our own. And although we get good news from time to time, as we did yesterday with jobs figures and drops in unemployment, we know we have a ways to go, as well. We remain confident that Europe has the will and the means not only to cut your debt and build the necessary firewalls, but also to create growth, to restore liquidity and market confidence.

As Europe emerges from economic crisis, we have to work harder to reinforce each other's recoveries. As deep as our economic relationship is, it has not yet lived up to its potential. I speak often about economic statecraft, because I think we cannot talk about what must be done in the 21st century without recognizing that our economic strength lies at the core of everything we are able to do to advance our values, to protect our interest, to create the security architecture that will sustain stability, going forward. The new U.S.-EU High-Level Working Group on Jobs and Growth created by President Obama and his European counterparts should be at the forefront of our efforts to put our people back to work.

And also, America and Europe can and should be trading more with each other and with the rest of the world. That means we also need to be focused on promoting our economic values. Too often, American and European companies face unfair practices that tilt the playing field against us: favoritism for state-owned enterprises, barriers to trade emerging behind borders, restrictions on investment, rampant theft of intellectual property. Together, America and Europe need to instill that all nations must respect the rules of the road that guarantee fair competition and market access. And above all, we need to remember that our investment in global leadership is not the cause of our fiscal problems. And pulling back from the world will not be the solution.

Third, in a time of tight budgets we need to ensure that our security alliance is agile and efficient, as well as strong. That is what Secretary General Rasmussen calls "smart defense": Joint deployment of missile defenses, the commonly-funded Alliance Ground Surveillance program, Baltic air policing, and a reinvigorated NATO response force. These are practical ways to provide security while minimizing cost to any one nation.

We also need to build our capacity to work with partners such as Sweden, Japan, Australia, members of the Arab League, and many others. And this will be a focus of our efforts in Chicago to ensure that NATO remains the hub of a global security network with a group of willing and able nations working side-by-side with us.

Fourth, our shared values are the bedrock of our community. We need to vigorously promote these together around the world, especially in this time of transformational political change. In the Middle East we have a profound shared stake in promoting successful transitions to stable democracies. We are making the Deauville Partnership a priority during America's G8 presidency this year. And to make good on its promise, we will be putting forward an ambitious agenda to promote political and economic reform, trade, investment, regional integration, and entrepreneurship to help people realize the better future they have risked so much to have.

Just as the impetus behind the Arab Spring has extended beyond the Middle East, so much our work. We have to help consolidate democratic gains in places like Cote d'Ivoire and Kyrgyzstan, and support democratic openings in Burma, and wherever people lack their rights and freedom. At the OSCE, the Community of Democracies, and elsewhere, we need to align all of the tools we have to further our values and goals.

America and Europe have more sophisticated tools than ever to support and reward those who take reforms, and to pressure those who do not. And wherever tyrants deny the legitimate demands of their own people, we need to work together to send a clear message: You cannot hold back the future at the point of a gun.

Of course, it is not credible to preach democracy elsewhere unless we protect and promote it ourselves within our community. The trappings of democracy are not enough. We need a vibrant free press, clean and transparent elections, an independent judiciary, a healthy political opposition, and protection for women, religious, and ethnic minorities. We must protect democratic rights and freedoms wherever they are endangered, including here in Europe.

Fifth and finally, we have to reach out to emerging powers and regions. The world we have worked together to build is changing. There are new centers of wealth and power, and fewer problems can be addressed decisively by America and Europe alone. So we have a challenge to make the most of this critical window of opportunity, to enlist emerging powers as partners, and strengthening a global architecture of cooperation that benefits us all.

I am glad that Europe's engagement in the Asia Pacific is on the agenda here in Munich, because we need to reach out together to regions already playing a growing role in world affairs. Now, a great deal has been said about the importance of a rising Asia Pacific for the United States. But not nearly enough has been said about its importance for Europe. America and Europe need a robust dialogue about the opportunities that lie ahead in the Pacific-Asia region. And we are building one here today. Taken together, all of these elements point to a larger enduring truth: When Americans envision the future, we see Europeans as our essential partners. There is no greater sign of our confidence and commitment than just how much we hope and need to accomplish with you.

We have not sustained the most powerful alliance in history by resting on our laurels. Our predecessors planned for the future together. They acted on the belief that America, Europe, and like-minded nations everywhere are engaged in a single common endeavor to build a more peaceful, prosperous, secure world. That is as true today as it ever was. And in this time of momentous change, let us have that same spirit guide us as we chart our path forward together. Thank you. (Applause.)

AMBASSADOR ISCHINGER: Thank you, Secretary Clinton. Thank you, Secretary Panetta. We are running just a little bit behind schedule, but I think we should have time for a few questions. A couple of questions have already reached me here.

And I will start this question and answer session by reading a question from someone you know well, Karl Kaiser, sitting somewhere here, from Harvard. His question is -- I think it is addressed to the Secretary of Defense, I imagine -- "Is the U.S. posture during the Libya crisis of 'leading from behind' and relying on allies to assume the main share a pattern likely to remain?" I think that goes to you, Leon.

SECRETARY PANETTA: Look, in the world that we are dealing with, with the myriad of threats that I outlined, whether it is terrorism, whether it is the war in Afghanistan, whether it is the threats from Iran, North Korea, turmoil in the Middle East, I think we need to have a broad and flexible approach to dealing with each of those crises. We can't just rely on one mode to be able to confront the conflicts in today's world. Libya, it worked to have NATO come together. It was effective, it was successful. But it doesn't necessarily mean that that particular model might apply if we had to go to war in North Korea, or if we had to confront a threat elsewhere.

I think the most important thing the United States has done in developing our defense strategy is to maintain our capability to be able to engage in a broad way, depending on what the crisis is, what the threat is. So if we need land forces to confront land forces, and we have to take the lead on that, we have the capability to do that. If we have to deal with someone trying to close the Straits of Hormuz, we have the naval and air force capability to be able to do that. We can do that in conjunction with NATO, or we can do it on our own. We need to maintain a full, flexible, agile, and strong defense in every way. And that means working with NATO, but at the same time understanding that all of us have to have the capability to deal with threats as they emerge.

AMBASSADOR ISCHINGER: Thank you very much. The next question goes to Secretary Clinton, but I can't read this properly. It comes from Stefan Kornelius. Could somebody give a microphone to Stefan over there, and we will invite him to present his question himself?

MR. KORNELIUS: Wolfgang, I am glad to give you a lot of (inaudible) both questions I want to ask myself.

Secretary Clinton, the question of Afghanistan and their sort of emerging probable negotiating process with the Taliban, the first steps have been made. Is the Administration prepared to do a confidence-building measure in thinking of releasing detainees in Guantanamo, as the other side demands?

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, I am not going to go into any details about what we are or are not prepared to do, because we are just at the beginning of this process of exploration whether or not there is an opportunity to bring about an end to the conflict through a political solution. But this is, first and foremost, an Afghan-led and Afghan-owned process. We support the Afghan Government in its efforts to work with the representatives of the Taliban and other insurgent groups, to see whether there is common ground on which to build enough trust -- to go back to that word again -- to have a resolution.

There are certain conditions that certainly the United States would look to. We would expect anyone who was engaged in such talks to: renounce violence, to be prepared to lay down arms and enter the political process, if that is what they were to seek, to have their views known within the Afghanistan political system; to renounce all ties with al Qaeda because of the history with the Taliban -- that is a very important issue to the Afghans, to us, to NATO-ISAF; and to agree to abide by the constitution of Afghanistan.

So, there will continue to be all kinds of speculation about what is or is not happening. But I think it is important to say of course we are exploring whether there is a way forward in partnership, and with the lead of the Afghans themselves.

AMBASSADOR ISCHINGER: Thank you. Because we are running out of time I will call on two more. If you could be brief, first one is member of the German Bundestag, (Inaudible) Stinner, and the second one is Francois Heisbourg, over there. So we go to (Inaudible) Stinner first.

QUESTION: Yes. Thank you very much. Due to the shortage of time, I would like to do it in English, then. The question goes to Mr. Panetta, Secretary Panetta, with regard to missile defense. This morning we heard a very interesting presentation by Senator Nunn. And my understanding of these two presentations from him and from you, I see a difference in tonality. Senator Nunn, to a very large extent, elaborated on the political issue with regard to coming to terms with Russia. You more or less concentrated on a technical aspect of defending ourselves, which is most valued, of course.

But would you subscribe to the ideas of Senator Nunn, that it is of utmost political importance to come to terms with Russia, and that we are to take into consideration the political and psychological concerns of Russia?

And the last question is with regard -- is Russia fears that the missile defense will undermine their capability of defense themselves. I think it is unjustified, as far as it goes, from phase one to three. With regard to phase 4, inaugurated probably by 2020, I see that this phase 4 will indeed -- or will eventually indeed undermine Russia's capability. To what extent are you willing to subscribe to what Senator Nunn has done with regard to political implications? And what do you think about Russia's concerns here? Thank you very much.

SECRETARY PANETTA: No, I greatly respect the work that Senator Nunn has done. And frankly, I don't see a contradiction here. I think to engage in what Senator Nunn wants to do, to be able to reach out to develop the kind of communication and relationships that are important to trying to prevent war in the future, I think that is absolutely essential. But I also think you need to do that from a position of strength, not a position of weakness. And, therefore, I think we have to continue to build our defense. We have to continue to be able to deploy that which we think is important to the defense of Europe. And we intend to do that.

Now, we do not view, very frankly, the ballistic defense system that we are trying to develop here as in any way a threat to Russia. We have made that clear, time and time again. We will continue to make it clear to Russia. And we hope that, ultimately, we can resolve those issues, so that we can proceed in a way that represents the defense of Europe, not a threat to Russia, but the defense of Europe.

AMBASSADOR ISCHINGER: Thank you. And the last question goes to Francois Heisbourg, from Paris.

QUESTION: Yes, Secretary Panetta, in the very substantial changes in the American defense posture which you announced recently, the -- your starting points are defense budget reductions which do not take into account sequestration.

Am I right in assuming that sequestration would be countermanded, would not need to be taken into account if, for example, President Obama were reelected and the balance in the Congress would change? But if one assumes that, does that mean that there would be no further defense cuts beyond those upon which you have based the announcements in the change of defense posture? Because the difference between a world with sequestration and a world without sequestration is about half-a-trillion dollars of defense spending.

SECRETARY PANETTA: Sequestration, for those of you that are not familiar with that term, is a crazy formula that was developed by some of our colleagues in the Congress that essentially said if they didn't reach a number of savings to be achieved -- it was done with this committee, the super committee that had been appointed. The committee was to achieve at least, I think, about 1.4 trillion in savings. And if they did not achieve at least that amount, that then an automatic cut across the board would take place of that amount. And for defense, that represents a virtual doubling of the cuts that we would confront.

As the President has pointed out, and I have emphasized, we are not paying attention to sequester. Sequester is crazy. And therefore, I am going to urge -- and we strongly urge -- the Congress to be able to come forward and try to detrigger that amount. Because, frankly, it is not only the amount, but it is the way it would be done. The formula is built in to sequester. It would cut across the board. And, as I have said, it would virtually devastate our national defense. And for that reason, we are saying no, we are not planning on sequester taking place. If sequester happened, I would have to throw the strategy that I just developed -- I would have to throw that out the window. And I think that would be dangerous for America, and it would be dangerous for the world.

With regards to the future, obviously we will continue to work. I think we have developed a very strong strategy for the future. I think the strategy that was developed with the service chiefs -- I developed it with the service chiefs, with the under secretaries of defense. It was a unified effort to establish a strategy that would give us a defense not only now, but in the future, and make it one that would be agile and flexible for the future. We think we want to stick to that, because it is important for the United States to set a strategy, and a consistent strategy, so that the world understands where we are going with defense, not just now but in the future.

AMBASSADOR ISCHINGER: Let us all thank our two Secretaries for a great presentation. (Applause.)

New Zealand Waitangi Day

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Washington, DC

February 3, 2012

On behalf of President Obama and the people of the United States, I am delighted to send best wishes to the people of New Zealand as you commemorate the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi, Te Tiriti o Waitangi, this February 6. This is a time to reflect on New Zealand’s rich history and promising future.

The United States and New Zealand share a vibrant partnership, shaped by the Wellington Declaration and our years of friendship and cooperation. We look forward to continuing to deepen our relationship in the coming year as we work together promoting peace and stability, protecting the fragile Pacific environment, expanding economic opportunity, and standing up for global human rights. The United States stands by New Zealand as you continue to face the challenges brought by earthquakes in the Canterbury region. Your resilience and strength have set an example for the world.

As you observe this special day in New Zealand and in places around the world, I wish all New Zealanders a happy Waitangi Day, and a year filled with peace and prosperity.

Remarks With Singaporean Foreign Minister and Minister for Law K. Shanmugam

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Treaty Room

Washington, DC

February 1, 2012

MODERATOR: The United States-Singapore joint vision statement on new political framework.

(The document was signed.)

MODERATOR: The Secretary of State and the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of Law of the Republic of Singapore are now signing the memorandum of understanding between the United States of America and the Republic of Singapore on the United States-Singapore Third Country Training Program.

(The document was signed.)

MODERATOR: The Secretary of State and the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister for Law of the Republic of Singapore are now signing the memorandum of understanding between the United States of America and the Republic of Singapore on the establishment of an institutionalized strategic dialogue.

(The document was signed.)

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, first of all, let me say how delighted I am to welcome the foreign minister here to the State Department. He obviously has been to the United States numerous times before, but this is his first visit as foreign minister, so we are pleased to welcome him back.

This is a very consequential relationship. The multidimensional growth of our relationship with Singapore is an example of the importance that the United States sets on strengthening our engagement in the Asia Pacific. We are working together on a full range of issues, including moving forward on a high-quality trade agreement through the Trans-Pacific Partnership process.

We are partnering to increase maritime security cooperation by upholding the rule of law, fighting the scourge of piracy, and ensuring freedom of navigation. Because of our commitment to ASEAN, we are working to increase regional trade and economic integration, and through APEC, we have worked to spur the growth of small and medium-sized businesses. Our people work side by side to stop the spread of nuclear weapons and to help Afghanistan rebuild.

At the ASEAN forum last year, the minister and I agreed to further deepen our relationship, and today we are taking steps to do just that by signing three documents that highlight the importance that we place on our partnership.

The first is a joint vision statement that articulates shared beliefs and goals, a mutual commitment to security, prosperity, protecting diversity, and the rule of law. These are values that both Americans and Singaporeans cherish.

Next, we signed a memorandum of understanding that represents concrete progress in implementing our joint vision. We will be sending development experts from the United States and Singapore to countries in the Lower Mekong area. They will team up to give health workers the tools they need to fight infectious disease, to help improve trade capacity, work to boost tourism, share best practices with teachers, humanitarian, and disaster relief workers, police and firefighters. We also discussed other ways that we could pursue third country training to help with the public administration and the civil service of countries.

And finally, we signed a memorandum of understanding that institutionalizes a U.S.-Singapore strategic partners dialogue between senior officials from both governments to meet annually under this framework to review our bilateral agenda as well as our regional and global cooperation.

So again, I am delighted to welcome the minister and to thank him and to thank his government for being such a valuable partner and such a leader on so many important issues of the 21^st century.

FOREIGN MINISTER SHANMAGUAM: Thank you, Madam Secretary. I think our relationship is very strong. It’s broad-based. It’s deep. The joint vision statement sets that out. I’m not going to repeat everything that Madam Secretary has just said. It’s my first visit as foreign minister. We have had very substantive, good, useful discussions. And our senior officials met last week, and they also had excellent discussions. And I look forward to continuing the relationship that we have had for a very long period of time, our two countries, on a broad array of fronts. Thank you.

MODERATOR: We have time for two questions today. The first one, CNN, Elise Labott.

QUESTION: Thank you, Madam Secretary. Firstly, if – could you tell us what you think about this recent ISAF report that details from Taliban detainees cooperation between the Taliban and Pakistan?

And then also – realize that today the UN Security Council will be discussing the resolution on Syria. Yesterday, the Russian ambassador, after hearing your comments, said that the UN Security Council can’t endorse the Arab League plan in a resolution. If the Russians will refuse to endorse the Arab League plan as you’re calling for, do they bear responsibility for the continued bloodshed there?

Thanks.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, first, with respect to the confidential document that you’re referring to, Elise, I am obviously not going to be commenting on it. I think that there have already been comments that there’s nothing new in what has been released, but I’m not going to go into it in any depth.

With respect to Syria and the attitude of Russia, we recognize that getting the Security Council to act will require continuing consultations with our partners in the council, including Russia and China, on what the wording of a resolution will be. And I look forward to discussing this with my counterparts at the ministerial level as we go through that discussion.

But I think yesterday’s meeting certainly highlighted the importance of the Security Council acting and the importance of supporting the Arab League. The Arab League has set forth a roadmap as to how we can, working together through the international community in support of the Arab League, help to end the bloodshed and help to begin a peaceful political process that will result in a more democratic future for the people of Syria. The Syrian people themselves are the ones who are crying out for peace and justice, for dignity, for their rights, for a better future.

And every member of the council has to make a decision: Whose side are you on? Are you on the side of the Syrian people? Are you on the side of the Arab League? Are you on the side of the people of the Middle East and North Africa who have, during this past year, spoken out courageously and often for their rights? Or are you on the side of a brutal dictatorial regime? Each country will have to be mulling that over and making a decision, but certainly, from my perspective, as members of the Security Council charged with the responsibility of trying to help keep international peace and security, it is absolutely imperative that we all be on the right side of history. And that means standing with the Arab League and standing with the people of Syria.

MODERATOR: Last one, (inaudible).

QUESTION: Thank you. Two quick questions for Madam Secretary and the minister: First, how do the new projects that were announced today fit in with the broader U.S. pivot to Asia? And second, are there plans to elevate the strategic dialogue to a political level involving leaders from both countries? Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Do you want to begin?

FOREIGN MINISTER SHANMAGUAM: Yeah, sure. When you talk about the U.S. pivot to Asia, U.S. has always been in Asia, has played a very significant role. And we welcome that continued and even more intense focus that has been given in the last few years. So – and we welcome a very substantive engagement on economic, as well as political, as well as military engagement. And we, for example, 20 years ago, offered the use of our facilities to the U.S. And the SFA was signed in 2005, and our current engagement continues within that framework. So we believe that the U.S. engagement in Asia has been a pillar, the foundation, for peace and prosperity in the region. And therefore, we welcome that. And our discussions today are a continuation of that process.

As to whether our strategic partnership dialogue will include political leadership, we have regular ongoing discussions within political leaders at the highest levels, and that will obviously continue.

SECRETARY CLINTON: I can only agree with the minister’s comment. When you look at the free trade agreement and our military-to-military strategic framework agreement, those are two very strong pillars of our relationship. By adding this formal declaration of a strategic partners dialogue, we are tying it all together, because we have found, over the years in our very excellent relationship, that there is much for us to discuss. We look to Singapore not only on a bilateral level but also regionally and globally. And we often are very interested in what Singapore has to say about political issues as well as strategic considerations. So I think the U.S.-Singapore relationship is both broad and deep, and it will only continue to strengthen in the years ahead.

Thank you.

FOREIGN MINISTER SHANMAGUAM: Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you.

Remarks With Georgia President Mikheil Saakashvili Preceding Bilateral Meeting

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Treaty Room

Washington, DC

February 1, 2012

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, it’s a pleasure to welcome the president here to the State Department. He’s had a number of excellent meetings and consultations here in Washington, starting with the very comprehensive meeting he had with President Obama in the Oval Office. Georgia is a valued partner. They are actively participating in Afghanistan, where Georgian soldiers are showing great courage and professionalism. We are pursuing a system of consultations to determine the way forward on further trade and investment. There’s a lot of work going on in our bilateral consultations on education, on health, on good governance, on rule of law, on defense and security cooperation. So, the president’s had a very busy week here and there are more people for him to see. There’s a great deal of interest in Georgia in our capital. And again, welcome, Mr. President.

PRESIDENT SAAKASHVILI: Thank you, Madam Secretary. First of all, I would like to express utmost gratitude for your strong support, not just in words but in action, for Georgia’s territorial integrity and sovereignty and independence, because it’s lots of daily work. It’s a great struggle. Sometimes it’s like uphill struggle because it’s against the forces that are trying to undermine us. And your personal participation, President Obama’s personal backing for it was – it goes without saying, and that’s something that we really appreciate a lot.

And certainly, I walked out also from this office, but also from the Oval Office where we were also present, totally elated because I heard everything I wanted to hear. And I mean, it’s – I’ve been in there before. But this time, because the country has also matured – my country has also matured up to the challenges – I think we now are moving to another level in cooperation. And with free trade agreement, nobody could have imagined that Georgia would ever start to qualify for that a few years ago. The next level of defense cooperation – and we are proud to serve with you in Afghanistan – was unimaginable a couple of years ago.

Further development of our bilateral ties in all kinds of other fields where Georgia just had to get to this level to be good partners with you. And again, this mature Georgia wouldn’t have been possible without your personal involvement, and we are looking forward to seeing you in our city of Batumi in months to come. And again, thank you so much. Thank you for treating us like this, because I’ve really, as I said, my nation (inaudible) people in our region have been watching and we’ve been –we are not going back empty handed but we are so much (inaudible), so many things to carry back that it’s sensational. Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you, Mr. President.

PRESIDENT SAAKASHVILI: Thank you so much.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you all very much.

Remarks With Kazakh Foreign Minister Yerzhan Kazykhanov Preceding Bilateral Meeting

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Treaty Room

Washington, DC

February 1, 2012

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, I’m delighted to welcome my colleague, the foreign minister of Kazakhstan, a country with whom we have very friendly relations and work together on a whole range of issues, both bilaterally and regionally and globally. Kazakhstan has served in recent years as the chair of the OSCE, the chair of OIC, and has been very helpful in our efforts to stabilize Afghanistan. So I am pleased to have this opportunity to discuss at length some of the issues that we’re working on together.

FOREIGN MINISTER KAZYKHANOV: Thank you, Madam Secretary. This is my first visit as a foreign minister to Washington, and I’m looking forward for the discussion of our strategic partnership between our two countries, and I would like to thank Madam Secretary for inviting me. And in 20 years time, two countries covered a lot, and we are prepared to strengthen our cooperation in the future. I think that we will discuss today successful cooperation between Kazakhstan and the United States on nuclear nonproliferation and upcoming meeting between two presidents on the sidelines of Seoul Summit.

We also will cover issues of stabilization in Afghanistan and our logistics support to the Northern Distribution Network, issues of trade investment and energy partnership, of greatest importance, and as well as the topics of visa simplification procedures. And thank you again, Madam Secretary, for these wonderful opportunities to meet with you here in Washington.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you so much.

FOREIGN MINISTER KAZYKHANOV: Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you, Yerzhan.

FOREIGN MINISTER KAZYKHANOV: Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you all very much.

 

# # #

Remarks Following UNSC Meeting on Syria

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

United Nations

New York City

January 31, 2012

SECRETARY CLINTON: Good afternoon.

I think we saw once again the deep concern that the international community has over the situation in Syria and the determination to act, to try to bring an end to the killing and terrible abuses that is ongoing. We will have a concerted effort over the next days to reach agreement in the Security Council to put forth a resolution that sends a message to President Assad and his regime. I think it was made abundantly clear that the Arab League has played an essential leadership role, and we want to support the Arab League’s position, and we want to underscore that there is no intention to seek any authority or to pursue any kind of military intervention.

This is a crisis that should be resolved peacefully. In order to do that, the United States believes that President Assad should step away and permit others to begin the process of negotiating a political transition that will lead to elections and the fulfillment of the aspirations and universal human rights of the Syrian people.

So I am pleased at the statements that were made. And even those who have some concerns said today that they understand the need to act and that we do have to support what the Arab League has worked so hard to achieve. I think that’s the right position, and now the hard work about how to translate that into a resolution goes forward.

I’ll take two questions.

QUESTION: Secretary, if the Russians go ahead and block it, what options does the United --

SECRETARY CLINTON: You know what? We’re not – we’re going to be just working over the next two days very diligently to follow up on this extraordinary Security Council session, and I’m not prepared to anticipate what is going to be the outcome.

QUESTION: If I could try and follow up on that. I think you left no hint today – between your comments, the foreign secretary’s comments, and Foreign Minister Juppe’s comments, taken with a very tough statement by Ambassador Rice yesterday – that you think Russia is blocking movement by the Council. And over the last 48 hours, Foreign Minister Lavrov has publicly said that he doesn’t want to talk to you because he’s busy in Australia, and so clearly he’s skirting serious discussion with you directly on this issue.

So what is all this chest beating here at the United Nations for if at the end of the day, the Russians aren’t going to meaningfully work towards a solution? Or are you concerned that you’ll have to water down this resolution so much that it doesn’t take into the spirit of the Arab League report that you endorse?

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, first, Elise, I am going to be speaking with Sergey Lavrov. He is traveling in Australia. I’ve actually traveled in Australia. It is sometimes difficult to make connections. I don't think anyone should read anything into that. I think what’s important is the resolve that has been demonstrated so clearly today by the Arab League and by a majority of the members of the Security Council that action is called for. There was a repeating of the chronology, starting with the presidential statement back in August, and the numbers of deaths continue to rise. So this is not sustainable. We have to make a very clear statement from the Security Council supporting the Arab League’s leadership and calling for a path forward that will be followed by the Assad regime.

And obviously, the United States and I personally care deeply about what is happening in Syria. I also understand some of the doubts and concerns of the Syrian people, which I addressed directly today in my statement. If this were easy, it would have already been done. There are a lot of issues and concerns that have to be addressed.

But at the end of the day, every member of that Security Council has a choice to make. If you do not choose to try to stand on the side of the Syrian people, then you are standing on the side of the continuing killing and abuses that are carried out every single day. I know what side we’re on. I know what side the majority of the Council is on, and we will work until we can find a way to usefully support the Arab League’s initiative, send a clear message to the Assad regime and the people of Syria, and then work toward a peaceful resolution of this terrible conflict.

Thank you.

Remarks at a United Nations Security Council Session on the Situation in Syria

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

United Nations

New York City

January 31, 2012

Thank you very much, Mr. President, and let me begin by thanking Prime Minister Hamad bin Jassim and Secretary General el Araby for their thorough briefing. 

 

The Arab League has demonstrated important leadership in this crisis.  And for many months, the people of the region and the world have watched in horror as the Assad regime executed a campaign of violence against its own citizens.  Civilians gunned down in the streets, women and children tortured and killed.  No one is safe, not even officials of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent.  According to UN estimates, more than 5,400 civilians have already died, and that number is rising fast.

 

The regime also continues to arbitrarily detain Syrian citizens, such as the activists Yahia al-Shurbaji and Anas al-Shaghri, simply for demanding dignity and universal rights.  To date, the evidence is clear that Assad’s forces are initiating nearly all of the attacks that kill civilians, but as more citizens take up arms to resist the regime’s brutality, violence is increasingly likely to spiral out of control.  Already, the challenges ahead for the Syrian people are daunting – a crumbling economy, rising sectarian tensions, a cauldron of instability in the heart of the Middle East. 

 

Now, fears about what follows Assad, especially among Syria’s minority communities, are understandable.  Indeed, it appears as though Assad and his cronies are working hard to pit Syria’s ethnic and religious groups against each other, risking greater sectarian violence and even descent into civil war. 

 

So in response to this violent crackdown on peaceful dissent and protest, the Arab League launched an unprecedented diplomatic intervention, sending monitors into Syria’s beleaguered cities and towns and offering President Assad many chances to change course.  These observers were greeted by thousands of protestors eager to share their aspirations for their universal rights and also the stories of what had befallen them and their families.  But as the Arab League report makes clear if you read the entire report, the regime did not respect its pledges or the presence of the monitors, and instead responded with excessive and escalating violence. 

 

Now, in the past few days, the regime’s security forces have intensified their assault, shelling civilian areas in Homs and other cities.  And this weekend, the Arab League suspended its monitoring mission, pointing to the regime’s intransigence and the mounting civilian casualties. 

 

So why is the Arab League here before this Security Council?  Because they are seeking the support of the international community for a negotiated, peaceful political solution to this crisis and a responsible, democratic transition in Syria.  And we all have a choice:  Stand with the people of Syria and the region or become complicit in the continuing violence there. 

 

The United States urges the Security Council to back the Arab League’s demand that the Syrian Government immediately stop all attacks against civilians and guarantee the freedom of peaceful demonstrations.   In accordance with the Arab League’s plan, Syria must also release all arbitrarily detained citizens, return its military and security forces to their barracks, allow full and unhindered access for monitors, humanitarian workers, and journalists. 

 

And we urge the Security Council to back the Arab League’s call for an inclusive, Syrian-led political process to effectively address the legitimate aspirations and concerns of Syria’s people, conducted in an environment free from violence, fear, intimidation, and extremism. 

 

Now, I know that some members here may be concerned that the Security Council could be headed toward another Libya.  That is a false analogy.  Syria is a unique situation that requires its own approach, tailored to the specific circumstances occurring there.  And that is exactly what the Arab League has proposed – a path for a political transition that would preserve Syria’s unity and institutions.

 

Now, this may not be exactly the plan that any of us ourselves would have designed.  I know that many nations feel that way.  But it represents the best effects and efforts of Syria’s neighbors to chart a way forward, and it deserves a chance to work.

 

I think it would be a mistake to minimize or understate the magnitude of the challenge that Syrians face in trying to build the rule of law and civil society on the ruins of a brutal and failed dictatorship.  This will be hard.  The results are far from certain.  Success is far from guaranteed.  But the alternative – more of Assad’s brutal rule – is no alternative at all.

 

We all know that change is coming to Syria.  Despite its ruthless tactics, the Assad regime’s reign of terror will end and the people of Syria will have the chance to chart their own destiny. The question for us is:  How many more innocent civilians will die before this country is able to move forward toward the kind of future it deserves?  Unfortunately, it appears as though the longer this continues, the harder it will be to rebuild once President Assad and his regime is transitioned and something new and better takes its place. 

 

Citizens inside and outside Syria have begun planning for a democratic transition, from the Syrian National Council to the courageous grassroots local councils across the country who are organizing under the most dangerous and difficult circumstances.  But every day that goes by, their task grows more difficult. 

 

The future of Syria as a strong and unified nation depends on thwarting a cynical divide-and-conquer strategy.  It will take all Syrians working together – Alawis and Christians hand-in-hand with Sunni and Druze, side-by-side Arabs and  Kurds – to ensure that the new Syria is governed by the rule of law, respects and protects the universal rights of every citizen, regardless of ethnicity or sect, and takes on the widespread corruption that has marked the Assad regime. 

 

For this to work, Syria’s minorities will have to join in shaping Syria’s future, and their rights and their voices will have to be heard, protected, and respected.  And let me say directly to them today:  We do hear your fears and we do honor your aspirations.  Do not let the current regime exploit them to extend this crisis.

 

And leaders of Syria’s business community, military, and other institutions will have to recognize that their futures lie with the state and not the regime.  Syria belongs to its 23 million citizens, not to one man or his family.  And change can still be accomplished without dismantling the state or producing new tyranny. 

 

It is time for the international community to put aside our own differences and send a clear message of support to the people of Syria.  The alternative – spurning the Arab League, abandoning the Syrian people, emboldening the dictator – would compound this tragedy, and would mark a failure of our shared responsibility, and shake the credibility of the United Nations Security Council.  

 

The United States stands ready to work with every member in this chamber to pass a resolution that supports the Arab League’s efforts, because those are the efforts that are well thought out, and focused on ending this crisis, upholds the rights of the Syrian people, and restores peace to Syria.

 

That is the goal of the Arab League, that should be the goal of this Council, to help the Syrian people realize the goal of the future that they seek.  Thank you.

Grenada Independence Day

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Washington, DC

January 31, 2012

On behalf of President Obama and the people of the United States, I am delighted to congratulate the people of Grenada as you celebrate your 38th anniversary of independence this February 7th.

Grenada has shown a deep commitment to protecting its democratic traditions and delivering educational and economic opportunities to its citizens. The people of the United States have been committed to helping Grenada build a brighter future through business and higher education partnerships. Together, we are upholding our common values through partnerships like the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative, the Partnership Framework for HIV and AIDS, the Energy and Climate Partnership of the Americas, and the Caribbean Youth Empowerment Program. The United States remains steadfast in our commitment to strengthening the ties of friendship between our countries as we face the challenges of our region together.

As you celebrate your independence with family, friends and loved ones, know that the United States stands with you as a partner and friend as we work toward a more peaceful and prosperous future for all of our people.